Wednesday, February 8, 2023

The Homes that Micki Built: "Mom with a Megaphone" by Micki Edelsohn

"If Joan Rivers and Mother Theresa had a baby, you might end up with Micki Edelsohn." --J. Escher  

This is a book review of Micki Edelsohn's "Mom with a Megaphone" posted with permission from the National Council on Severe Autism. I couldn't have said it better myself.

[Now available on Amazon!]

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The I/DD Homes that Micki Built
February 6, 2023

Review: Mom With A Megaphone: My 50-Year Journey With My Son With An Intellectual Disability, by Micki Edelsohn, 2022 

By Jill Escher

If Joan Rivers and Mother Theresa had a baby, you might end up with Micki Edelsohn.

Edelsohn, a talkative dynamo of nearly 80 years of age, is a long-time leader in the field of housing for adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD), particularly in Delaware where her all-volunteer Homes for Life Foundation has created 25 beautiful group homes and several condos, housing a total of 104 very lucky residents.

Now in her “twilight years,” as she puts it, this tireless do-gooder felt compelled to tell the story of her life’s work in order that the rest of us can pick up where she left off. Her book, Mom With A Megaphone, portrays a community housing pioneer consumed with worry about an increasingly bleak policy landscape. “We find ourselves in a perilous time for those who are most impaired and lack capacity,” she writes. “Where will they live and how will they spend their days?” She says the most vulnerable people in the disability community are being left out of disability policy decision-making.

I’ve been in this field long enough to see two kinds of disability advocates. In Camp One you find those who build, who create, who roll up their sleeves to constructively solve real-life problems and then pose with joy and a shovel at a groundbreaking. Here you will find Micki and other resourceful folk. 

But then there’s Camp Two — those who bloviate, inveigh, criticize, obstruct, spout ideological catch-phrases, and … do nothing to actually solve problems. The regrettable trend in disability advocacy over the past decade has been veritable warfare by a righteous, heavily funded Camp Two against a scrappy but exhausted Camp One, imperiling the future for adults who need supported housing.  

We see this drama play out across the arc of Edelsohn’s story.

We meet a young Micki who is so full of chutzpah that she launches over a fence to surreptitiously touch presidential candidate John Kennedy after he gives a speech. “If I’d done that today I would have been arrested, shot or tackled,” she reflects. Life was overwhelmingly normal. She goes to college, marries a nice Jewish doctor, has one son in 1968, and along the way develops an infatuation with American antiques.

Then in 1972, her second son Robert is born following a difficult breech delivery. Later, in the hospital nursery he stops breathing, and despite reassurances from staff, Micki instinctively knew something was wrong. In the following years Micki and her husband Lanny could see he was not developing normally, that he struggled to do things that came easily to his peers. As he entered school, “no one could really tell us what he needed.”

But with the passage of the Education of Handicapped Children Act (now IDEA), Robert’s was the first generation to benefit from special education from preschool to age 21, and he certainly makes progress, and learns to read. At age 13, he takes to the lectern for a modified Bar Mitzvah. But it was clear that he would always need supervision and support. They loved and accepted Robert “for who he was, not who we had hoped he would be.”

As Robert approaches adulthood, Micki begins to contemplate his adult living options, and ponders how she might go about creating a group home, having no experience but plenty of curiosity. That vague desire quickly turned into something much bigger. After schmoozing her way around Delaware, she met like-minded parents and generous donors, and before long her Homes for Life (HFL) Foundation was born.

By October 1990, four women moved into the first Homes for Life home. A partnership with Delaware’s MBNA bank proved essential to fundraising for the early homes, and the bank also provided employment for many HFL residents. This remarkable partnership, which presaged many of today's inclusive employment programs, included towel service at the corporate gym, helping manage MBNA’s mailing lists, and even silk-screening shirts.

Staffed only by volunteers, HFL was on a mission to create more and more and more homes, finding many individuals and foundations willing to contribute. Micki spent hours each day fundraising, working with the state DD agency and developers, and designing interiors to meet unique needs of the individuals. More homes were always needed, and after Micki created them — without government funding mind you — HFL deeded the homes to the Arc of Delaware, and debt-free! Micki worked so much magic she should have been crowned the fairy godmother of Delaware disability housing. Then the residents, who were handpicked by the state DD agency and not HFL, moved in and received staff support via Medicaid Home and Community Based Services (HCBS) waivers, a funding instrument for services provided in non-institutional settings.

Thanks to the HFL team’s fundraising and organizational prowess it was an astonishingly productive model. Despite some setbacks, such as opposition from neighbors who opposed group homes in their neighborhood, it went on to develop 25 homes, “representing 100 men and women with significant intellectual disabilities who now had a home for life,” Micki writes. “The satisfaction was hard to describe. The future looked promising.” HFL was celebrated, Micki received honors and awards for her innovative work.

In 2011 she was appointed to Obama’s President’s Committee for People with Intellectual Disability (PCPID), but inside the nation’s capitol she sensed a change. The mood was no longer one of constructive collaboration, but instead accusation, inflexibility, and dogma. Self-advocacy groups such as ASAN and SABE “wanted to define the meaning of community” in a narrow, one-size-fits-all way, a way that didn’t take into account the limitations, desires and needs of a wide swath of the I/DD population. Micki was appalled to see the Arc of the US even attacking its own affiliate for, gasp!, developing I/DD-friendly housing in Florida. Feel-good mantras like “dignity of risk” were tossed about to justify de-funding residential programs, sending a sinister message that disregarded the well-being of those with impaired judgment and cognition, and Micki recoiled. “When the consequences of risk taking are serious,” she writes, “there is no dignity.” Bingo.

The negativism that now predominated in the lavishly funded network of state DD Councils and other arms of the federally funded DD octopus like the Protection and Advocacy systems, and the Association of University Centers, was having harsh repercussions on the ground. Homes inhabited by adults with I/DD were prohibited from being in proximity to each other, because that was supposedly “too congregate.” Everything was suspect. Preposterously, advocates referred to HFL homes as “mini-institutions” as if a plush and spacious community home of four was akin to a seething Willowbrook housing 6,000. HFL homes went from being widely celebrated models that provided desperately needed “homes for life,” to suddenly “controversial.” One activist decried them as “non-inclusive" group homes (what did she want? to evict half the adults and replace them with Joe Schmoes instead? and how would that help?) The new Medicaid HCBS “Settings Rule” that disfavored disability-friendly options put projects serving those with the most severe disabilities in the crosshairs.

The real motivation behind the new inquisition, Micki contends, was not truly ideology but instead cost saving. Federal spending on HCBS for adults with I/DD was skyrocketing, and somehow it had to be contained. By limiting housing availability, a greater proportion of parents and families could do the heavy lifting instead. 

While Micki has no qualms about cost savings generally, she’s a realist. She is mostly worried about families and aging parents who cannot care for their loved ones. And she knows that in the end, a “setting” has little to do with the HCBS costs of care: “To put it bluntly, my son Robert will always need the same level of support whether he lives in a group home, intermediate care facility, intentional community, farmstead, condo with us in his natural family’s home, or in a tent in the backyard.” 

Micki rightly laments that Medicaid HCBS expenditures were supposed to be based on “person centered planning,” but lost in the heated debates over “settings” was any concern for the individual’s wants and needs. “The debate always seems to center on the location of the home, or the number of residents in the home or neighborhood,” she says, “not on the quality of care given.”

A grassroots effort that Micki helped form, called Families Speaking Up!, was one of the tiny Davids fighting a Goliath of taxpayer-funded DD agencies that opposed developments serving the most severely impaired, “making it an unfair fight.” Missiles were launched over every little thing. After Ford Foundation grant money supported a report by HFL about intentional communities serving adults with I/DD, a swarm of advocates complained to Ford, part of a “cancel” tactic to disempower Camp One. 

Things became truly “surreal,” she says. For example, on a Biden campaign Disability Platform call, a participant was condemned as “ableist” for simply using the word “severe.” The justice warriors squandered time and energy on breathtakingly trivial matters, all while HFL housing creation ground to a halt, denying dreams to disabled Delawareans.   The book closes with a return to son Robert, who now turns 50 and is now a happy man with many friends and activities. He leads a full life, but as his parents age his future is far from clear. The book also features a large amount of Appendix material, the first of which I admit is a 2016 essay by yours truly called “The Federal Government’s Quiet War Against Adults with Autism,” about dangers posed by the HCBS Settings Rule.

“Mom With A Megaphone” is ultimately a call for civility — and moreover, for appropriate services for all adults with I/DD. Micki sees immense diversity in the population, needing a huge array of options, and is sickened by “an unfortunate, senseless divide” that holds back progress millions of people so desperately need.

Jill Escher is president of the National Council on Severe Autism.

To receive a copy: Mom With A Megaphone is not currently available on Amazon or online. If you would like to receive a copy, please email NCSA at info@ncsautism.org and we will get back to you with ordering information. We will also post online ordering information when that is available.

Disclaimer: Blogposts on the NCSA blog represent the opinions of the individual authors and not necessarily the views or positions of the NCSA or its board of directors.

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P.S. My essay, "Danny at 40: Surviving the Inclusion Delusion" appears in the appendix of "Mom with a Megaphone".

Monday, January 30, 2023

Michigan nursing shortages addressed through new partnerships between State Universities and Community Colleges

Anyone who has been to an emergency room lately or had a hospital stay is probably aware of health care staffing shortages and its adverse effect on patient care. A shortage of nurses nationwide is a problem that states are dealing with in a variety of ways. [See “The State of the Nation’s Nursing Shortage” By Julia Haines, at USNews.com, 11/1/22] Michigan is doing its part to better train and incentivize nurses to stay at their jobs and to open up opportunities for training and employment in the communities where they live. It is a winning proposition for all concerned.

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An article from Bridge Michigan, “In Alpena, a bold effort to graduate more high-level Michigan nurses” by Isabel Lohman, 1/27/23, summarizes the problem and solution:

  • Community colleges have sought for years to offer students a four-year nursing degree, a move fought by state universities
  • Last summer, state leaders resolved the turf war by allowing schools to partner on four-year nursing degrees 
  • Alpena Community College and Saginaw Valley State University announced the first of those partnerships, as the state strives to produce more nurses  

Under a budget deal arrived at last summer between the governor and the legislature, partnerships between community colleges and 4-year universities will allow nursing students at state community colleges to continue their studies on site for a four-year bachelor's degree, a credential that is preferred by many health systems. Community colleges can receive at least $2 million in grant funding to administer these programs.

“It’s a win for everyone, school leaders told Bridge Michigan. Two-and four-year colleges and universities are partnering instead of competing for nursing students, students will have more access to scholarship opportunities and local communities, particularly in rural areas, will be better able to keep nurses in the area to care for patients."

The program can also provide additional training toward and a BSN (Bachelor of Science in Nursing) for Registered nurses in Alpena that could include a hybrid setting with online classes.

Wednesday, November 16, 2022

Washtenaw County Community Mental Health Meetings

 Washtenaw County Community Mental Health (WCCMH) Information

From the Website: 

"What is Community Mental Health?

"Washtenaw County Community Mental Health is one of several community-based mental healthcare organizations in Michigan. We provide mental health services to adults with a severe and persistent mental illness and children with a severe emotional disturbance, and services to individuals with an intellectual and/or developmental disability, residing in Washtenaw County. We have locations in Ann Arbor and Ypsilanti. Please read our Programs and Services page to learn more about what we offer, and feel free to call us at 734-544-3050 to talk more about Getting Started."

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WCCMH Board Meetings are Bi-monthly from 9:30 a.m.-11:30 a.m.

The next meeting is scheduled for November 18th, 2022

WCCMH Board members are encouraged to participate in person to count towards a quorum. All others are welcome to attend this meeting virtually.

In Person:  Learning Resource Center-Michigan Room
4135 Washtenaw Ave, Ann Arbor, Michigan
(near US 23 and Washtenaw Ave.)

Virtual via Zoom:    
Join from a PC, Mac, iPad, iPhone or Android device:
    Please click this URL to join. https://zoom.us/j/94922635037
 
Or One tap mobile:
     +19292056099,,94922635037# US (New York)
     +12678310333,,94922635037# US (Philadelphia)
 
Or join by phone:

Dial(for higher quality, dial a number based on your current location):

US: +1 929 205 6099  or +1 267 831 0333  or +1 312 626 6799  or +1 646 518 9805

Webinar ID: 949 2263 5037   

International numbers available: https://zoom.us/u/abORGuxsY

Click here for virtual meeting instructions

Meetings schedule

View the WCCMH 2022 Board and Board Committees meeting schedule revised 11-3-22 

Agendas are available prior to the meetings. Minutes are available following WCCMH Board approval.

View Most Recent Agendas and Minutes


WCCMH Board Members, revised 5-9-22

Saturday, November 12, 2022

Study shows that Universal Masking in schools leads to fewer Covid cases

An article from the Washington Post,  "Universal masking leads to fewer covid cases in schools, study finds" by Donna St. George, 11/10/22, answers questions about the effectiveness of face masks in preventing the spread of Covid. 

Here are some excerpts from the article: 

"Public schools that kept universal masking requirements in place last year had significantly fewer coronavirus cases than their counterparts that lifted mandates as state policies changed, according to a study published in the New England Journal of Medicine that weighs in on the hotly debated pandemic safety measure.

"The study, which followed schools in the Boston region during the 2021-2022 academic year, found that the end of mask requirements was associated with an additional 45 coronavirus cases per 1,000 students and staff members — or nearly 12,000 cases during a 15-week period from March to June.
"

The  conclusion of the study was that universal masking (requiring masks at school as opposed to leaving the decision up to individual students and their parents) is an important strategy in reducing the incidence of Covid, especially during periods of high transmission of the virus.

"The toll of the additional coronavirus cases was stark: They translated into at least 17,500 missed school days for students and 6,500 missed school days for staff members, at a time when schools were following an isolation period of at least five days for those infected, the study said."

One expert pointed out that the finding is important to the current crisis in child health, with many hospitals overwhelmed by children with respiratory infections including RSV, influenza and covid-19. 

“'Masking is one of the rare tools that can combat all of these,' she said."

Friday, November 11, 2022

Daniel Barker, 10/2/1976 - 10/16/2002

Our son Danny died a few weeks ago at the age of 46, but he held an outsized place in our hearts and he is still there with us.  All in all, he was mostly happy and blissfully unaware of his condition.

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DANIEL BARKER OBITUARY

 

Barker, Daniel Howard 10/2/1976 - 10/16/2022 Ypsilanti, MI. 

 

Danny Barker was born in Redwood City, California, on 10/2/76, and moved with his family to Ann Arbor in 1985. Danny lived with severe intellectual and developmental disabilities and made an indelible mark on those around him. Within very limited physical and mental abilities, he displayed exuberance for life, a love of music, and a flashy smile that lit up the room. Some of the best years of his life were spent at High Point School in Ann Arbor and at the Just Us Club after school program and, later, in the JUC Adult Activity program, that includes Music Therapy. He leaves his family heartbroken but with many fond memories of his flair for life. He is survived by his parents, Jill and John Barker, his brother Ian Barker, and his sister Jennie Barker. Before passing, his grandparents, Fred and Janet Howard of Garrett Park, Maryland, and Jane and Roger Barker of Orlando, Florida, played an important role in his life. This continued with his aunts, uncles, and cousins. Deserving of special credit are the teachers and staff at High Point School, who worked with Danny and took care of him at school, and the staff and management at Clark Road Group Home in Ypsilanti, Michigan, who cared for him for more than 20 years. For those who wish to honor Danny's memory with a donation, the family requests donations be made to the High Point School Parent Staff Organization at 1735 S. Wagner Rd., Ann Arbor, MI 48103 and to the Just Us Club (with a note that it is for Music Therapy) at P.O. Box 2688, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-9998.

 

Published by Ann Arbor News from Oct. 22 to Oct. 23, 2022.

 



Sunday, October 30, 2022

The NCSA on Abortion Access

The following is a position statement from the National Council on Severe Autism on Abortion Access:

Abortion Access: Potentially Devastating Consequences for Vulnerable Girls and Women with Intellectual Disabilities and Autism

An Open Letter to State Legislators

In the wake of the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision, we are aware that many states are positioned to impose sweeping bans on access to abortion, even in cases involving risks to the mother. 

When one thinks of abortion, girls and women disabled by autism and intellectual disability — who may have reproductive capacity but lack capacity to defend against rape, may have little to no ability to speak, and may function at a preschool level — probably don’t come to mind. But those of us parenting or providing healthcare for such girls and women can only shudder as we ponder what may now happen to many of our vulnerable loved ones, patients and clients in the wake of Dobbs. 

The CDC estimates that 1 in 145, or .69 percent, of girls (as of the 2018 surveillance of 8 year-olds) has autism (the rate among boys is 1 in 34), with well over half suffering from intellectual disability (ID) or borderline intellectual disability, as well. Beyond that, at least 1% of our population has intellectual disability, without autism. It is well-known that medical, psychiatric, and behavioral comorbidities abound in ID and autism, and many individuals require lifelong 24/7 adult supervision, support and services to reach even a modicum of personal safety, health and quality of life.

These girls and women are highly susceptible to abuse, including sexual abuse, assault and rape. A 2021 analysis documented a 32.9% prevalence rate of sexual abuse in adults with intellectual disability, with prevalence increasing with severity of the ID. Though seldom discussed, it is no secret that vulnerable intellectually disabled girls and women will involuntarily become pregnant. 

In Dobbs, the Court established a “rational basis” test for abortion laws, saying a state law must be sustained “if there is a rational basis on which the legislature could have thought that it would serve legitimate state interests.” We write this letter to make it clear that there can be no rational basis for a state to deny access to abortions for girls and women disabled by autism and intellectual disability who are victimized by rape and involuntarily pregnant. Indeed, such a ban would be so barbaric as to shock the conscience.

Many of these autistic/ID females are so profoundly impaired they require lifelong, intensive support and care to accomplish the most basic activities of daily living. They would not understand the changes to their bodies, and typically would not even understand the concept of pregnancy or prenatal care. In labor they would not comprehend the pain of contractions or have the ability to follow even the simplest of instructions, like “push.” Forcing the girls and women to give birth would be overwhelmingly dangerous and traumatic. The alternative of a C-section is equally problematic, as it is a serious, highly invasive surgery involving complex anesthesia and that requires adherence to post-operative care the girl or woman would be unable to follow. 

In addition, they also may have medical, genetic, or psychiatric comorbidities that sharply increase risks to themselves and the fetus. Studies have documented the increased risk of serious pregnancy and birth complications for women with intellectual disability, including preterm labor, low birth weight, low Apgar scores, pre-eclampsia, post-partum hemorrhage, C-section, perinatal mortality and stillbirth.  

In addition, many of these patients with significant ID require various medications, such as anticonvulsants and antipsychotics, that raise the risk for fetal abnormality, including birth defects, autism and intellectual disability. Combined with a genetic predisposition to mental disorder, these fetuses would be in tremendous peril.  

Then there is the question of care and support services following a birth. It goes without saying that these girls and women typically have no capacity to care for a child. Indeed, our country’s burgeoning population of people disabled by autism often lack access to Medicaid and other necessary services to fulfill their own care needs. Who will care for these mothers and children?

An abortion law that lacks attention to the dire realities we have enumerated must lack a any rational basis. No just or humane society would force a severely cognitively disabled woman, a traumatized rape survivor, to carry an involuntary pregnancy and give birth, while forcing a fetus to be subjected to compromised prenatal care and neurotoxic drugs, all without any plan for long-term care that the mother could not possibly provide.

The Dobbs court did not set forth the parameters for applying the rational basis test, but plainly, ignoring the dimension of risk in cases of maternal autism and developmental disability would be highly irrational. Indeed, the Mississippi statute at issue in the case allowed for post 15-week abortions in the case of medical emergency or severe fetal abnormality.

Should you have any questions or concerns about abortion access for girls and women in your state who are disabled by autism and related disorders, please do not hesitate to contact us at info@ncsautism.org.

Signed,

Board of Directors
National Council on Severe Autism

Michigan Ballot Proposal 3: "Right to Reproductive Freedom"

On November 8, 2022, Michigan will vote on a ballot initiative, Proposal 3, the "Right to Reproductive Freedom", that restores rights and protections that Michigan women were afforded for five decades under Roe v. Wade.

The issue of abortion rights weighs heavily on people who are disabled and their families. Depending on the disability,  many disabled women of child bearing age face increased risks of harm to their health with pregnancy and increased vulnerability to sexual assault resulting in unwanted pregnancy. Women who have given birth to children with disabilities or have suffered miscarriages, depending on the underlying cause, may be at increased risk of significant problems in subsequent pregnancies. Having access to a full spectrum of medical care, including abortion and contraception, gives them more control over decisions affecting their lives and those of their families. 

The Detroit Free Press published an opinion piece on the subject on 10/29/2022, "I’m an OBGYN in Michigan. This is what I worry about when treating a patient." by Lisa Harris. Near the beginning of her article, she says this: "Many of you see the complexities in abortion, and are carrying two opposite ideas in your hearts at the same time: that abortion means a potential human won’t be born, and that a ban on abortion means that women may not be able to determine the course of their lives and their family’s lives. Both things are true, and that is what can make abortion such a hard issue. 

"I want to offer a window into abortion care here in Michigan." 

This is worth reading for its exploration of the complexities of abortion care and what Proposal 3 is intended to do. 

Rather than relying on campaign ads to form an opinion on Prop. 3, reading the exact wording of the proposal amending Michigan's state constitution goes a long way to dispelling misinformation about it and its affect: 

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Article 1, Section 28 Right to Reproductive Freedom

(1) Every individual has a fundamental right to reproductive freedom, which entails the right to make and effectuate decisions about all matters relating to pregnancy, including but not limited to prenatal care, childbirth, postpartum care, contraception, sterilization, abortion care, miscarriage management, and infertility care. An individual's right to reproductive freedom shall not be denied, burdened, nor infringed upon unless justified by a compelling state interest achieved by the least restrictive means. 

Notwithstanding the above, the state may regulate the provision of abortion care after fetal viability, provided that in no circumstance shall the state prohibit an abortion that, in the professional judgment of an attending health care professional, is medically indicated to protect the life or physical or mental health of the pregnant individual.

(2) The state shall not discriminate in the protection or enforcement of this fundamental right. 

(3) The state shall not penalize, prosecute, or otherwise take adverse action against an individual based on their actual, potential, perceived, or alleged pregnancy outcomes, including but not limited to miscarriage, stillbirth, or abortion, nor shall the state penalize, prosecute, or otherwise take adverse action against someone for aiding or assisting a pregnant individual in exercising their right to reproductive freedom with their voluntary consent. 

(4) For the purposes of this section:

  • A state interest is "compelling" only if it is for the limited purpose of protecting the health of an individual seeking care, consistent with accepted clinical standards of practice and evidence-based medicine, and does not infringe on that individual's autonomous decision-making.
  • "Fetal viability" means: the point in pregnancy when, in the professional judgment of an attending health care professional and based on the particular facts of the case, there is a significant likelihood of the fetus's sustained survival outside the uterus without the application of extraordinary medical measures. 
(5) This section shall be self-executing. Any provision of this section held invalid shall be severable from the remaining portions of this section.[11] 

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The proposal does not automatically change any laws regarding parental consent for abortion for a minor child, nor does it change restrictions on who can perform abortions and safety concerns for the mother.

Whether you agree or disagree with Prop. 3, the wording is not confusing. It may lead to court challenges and proposed legislative changes over specific issues, but that can occur at any time, with or without Prop. 3 and with or without Roe V. Wade.

The default position for reproductive rights in Michigan

Without Prop. 3, Michigan could revert to a 1931 law that bans abortion in all cases except to preserve the life of the woman. It also bans any attempt to procure a miscarriage for a woman except to preserve the life of the woman. This law has been challenged in court on whether it violates rights already protected by the Michigan constitution, but a decision on this issue is still pending.

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THE MICHIGAN PENAL CODE (EXCERPT)
Act 328 of 1931
CHAPTER III
ABORTION

750.14 Miscarriage; administering with intent to procure; felony, penalty. 

Sec. 14. Administering drugs, etc., with intent to procure miscarriage—Any person who shall wilfully administer to any pregnant woman any medicine, drug, substance or thing whatever, or shall employ any instrument or other means whatever, with intent thereby to procure the miscarriage of any such woman, unless the same shall have been necessary to preserve the life of such woman, shall be guilty of a felony, and in case the death of such pregnant woman be thereby produced, the offense shall be deemed manslaughter.

In any prosecution under this section, it shall not be necessary for the prosecution to prove that no such necessity existed.
... 

750.15 Abortion, drugs or medicine; advertising or sale to procure; misdemeanor.

Sec. 15. Selling drugs, etc., to produce abortion—Any person who shall in any manner, except as hereinafter provided, advertise, publish, sell or publicly expose for sale any pills, powder, drugs or combination of drugs, designed expressly for the use of females for the purpose of procuring an abortion, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor.

Any drug or medicine known to be designed and expressly prepared for producing an abortion, shall only be sold upon the written prescription of an established practicing physician of the city, village, or township in which the sale is made; and the druggist or dealer selling the same shall, in a book provided for that purpose register the name of the purchaser, the date of the sale, the kind and quantity of the medicine sold, and the name and residence of the physician prescribing the same.

...

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and more... 

NPR: "Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, ending right to abortion upheld for decades" by Nina Totenberg and Sarah McCammon, 6/24/2

NPR: "The Sexual Assault Epidemic No One Talks About" by Joseph Shapiro, 1/8/2018 on "All Things Considered"